PACIFIC: New player influencing region
Updated
The dispute between Australia and Solomon Islands over the appointment of Attorney General Julian Moti has again raised the issue of just how much influence traditional aid donors have now, or may have in the future. Right now Australia, and New Zealand are major players in the Pacific but countries like the Solomons and Papua New Guinea have indicated they are looking north for new economic neighbours.
Presenter: Campbell Cooney
Speakers: Professor Richard Herr, School of Governance at the University of Tasmania
COONEY: In terms of numbers of Pacific Islands Nations which recognise China or Taiwan, China wins.
In recent times all these three countries have forged a relationship with Cuba. In Kiribati Cuba has opened its own diplomatic missions, and it has provided medical professionals to all three, and in the case of Solomon Islands at least, it's also started a diplomatic relationship through their missions at the United Nations.
And Cuba is a strong ally of China.
That raises the question: is China using Cuba as a backdoor way of exerting influence.
Professor Richard Herr is with the School of Governance with the University of Tasmania, and is a keen Pacific watcher.
HERR: Cuba and China have moved much closer together since the collapse of the Soviet Union and they're simply finding enough in common that Cuba perhaps isn't a client state of China, but it's certainly a particularly friendly state towards China.
COONEY: There's been any number of newspaper column inches written about the diplomatic battle between China and Taiwan in the Pacific.
But those aren't the only two Asian nations which may one day play the major role as aid donor and influence pedlar in the region.
Members of Fiji's interim government have been quoted as saying it will be looking North for its future.
Papua New Guinea has done the same.
For many years that position's been held primarily by Australia and New Zealand.
But that aid comes with conditions on how it's used.
And Professor Herr says both countries must realise it's no longer a given fact that Pacific countries will come to them first.
HERR: Well certainly China is anxious to achieve recognition not just in the Pacific against Taiwan, although one would have to say its large investment in bilateral relations with the region is largely sparked by the situation with Taiwan. Yes China sees niche opportunities in the Pacific.
COONEY: How seriously should places like Australia, which has indicated it certainly wants to have some sort of influence in places like Solomon Islands as much for their own security, how seriously should they be worried about this talk of let's look north and we do not need you, and I'm talking about the sort of things that have been said in Solomon Islands in relation to the assistance mission there?
HERR: Certainly less sensitive to walking in lock step with Australia on the way the South Pacific should organise its affairs, and that means that the island states that disagree with the Australian approach have a country which is large, which is relatively well resourced, certainly at a level that can afford to assist them to a substantial degree, and therefore offset some of the levers that Australia's used in the past to try and influence the Pacific Islands. Of course it isn't just China-Australia, it's China-Japan and the Pacific Islands, it's China-Korea and the Pacific Islands. In other words there are a number of other Asian states with interests in the Pacific.
COONEY: If these other countries were invited and they could see themselves doing it in a way that didn't put countries like Australia, the US and other big players offside, if they were asked to help and provide funding or assistance to some of these countries do you think they'd say yes?
HERR: They already do, Japan has been a long-time major aid player in the region.
COONEY: Aid player but I suppose a major player, playing the sort of role like an Australia or if we were to look at Solomon Islands the role that Taiwan does there, that they all play a role and they all give help in one way or another, but they're not seen as the big massive players that those other countries perhaps are?
HERR: No that's right. I think that if they saw an imbalance occurring in regional affairs in the South Pacific that was to their disadvantage they would probably be willing to take it up. Now whether they would do it with the traditional leadership of the Pacific Islands, that's to say Australia and New Zealand, or whether they would want to strike out on a separate course because they've lost confidence.
COONEY: When it comes to the friction between Australia and Solomon Islands, for close on 12 months the cause has been Julian Moti, who was finally sworn in last week as Solomon Islands Attorney General.
Australia still wants him to answer allegations of child sex crimes.
The Solomons' Prime Minister Manasseh Sogavare has refused to extradite them, and has questioned the validity of the charges.
Again, the rights and wrongs of the case have been debated by both sides many times.
But I was felt it was worth asking Richard Herr for his take.
And while he wasn't prepared to comment on the guilt or innocence of Mr Moti, he has an opinion on what has happened, and why.
HERR: I find it a very curious affair, I find it strange that it's been elevated to the level that it has been in terms of a relationship with the Solomons. I understand the difficulty that Australia has had with the Sogavare government use of a competent legal advisor to deal with the Australian presence in the Solomons, and to that extent obviously they would like it not to be seen to raise legal issues or legal challenges. I'm just somewhat surprised that Julian Moti has become the focus for trying to interdict this kind of development. He was in effect the hired gun to help the government sort out some of these issues which have perceived to be legal in nature. And if it weren't him one presumes it would be somebody else.
